What Happened To Russia — And What To Do With It

🇷🇺 РУССКОЯЗЫЧНАЯ ВЕРСИЯ | 🇷🇺 RUSSIAN-LANGUAGE VERSION


I have devoted more than 10 years to studying public life and striving for its peaceful improvement in Russia and the world. And my aspirations — among other things — have been tested by public activism during Navalnyi’s campaign, by participation in the peaceful protests, by monitoring the 2018 presidential «elections» as an independent observer, by cooperation with Navalny’s Headquarters and international media, by pressure at the university, by police pressure, by court hearings in Russia, by persecution by special agencies of the Russian government, by independent non-profit journalism, by helping with peaceful protests organizing, and by informational and financial help for peaceful civilians from Ukraine, Belarus, Russia, and other countries.

On June 15, 2022, I ended my anonymous, non-profit journalistic activities — and a couple of months later, I was already writing what I wanted to say in a series of interviews: about my life in Russia from 1996 to 2017, about my political activism from 2017 to 2019, about my forced emigration from Russia to the U.S. in 2019, about international journalism and information distribution for 2 and a half years, and about analysis of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Six months ago, I have already known all the topics that I was going to touch during all parts of the interview — but I definitely had no idea how psychologically difficult it would be for me to record each of the series. How sickening it can be to mention events I have lived with since 2014 and thought about for several last years — absolutely every day. How much doubt I could have before publishing all of that. I rewrote my thoughts on paper several dozen times — for each interview. I wrote, rewrote, erased, stopped working, went back to the work, started again. Dozens of times. Spent weeks, months. For each interview.

I promised myself that our last conversation would only happen if my last prediction comes true, which I publicly announced to all my friends and acquaintances on the day Russia invaded Ukraine — that the Russian government will close its borders to all the men it could use in the trenches. This happened on the fourteenth of April.

The point of no return has been passed. Putin’s regime has become a fascist dictatorship.

Now, I am ready for one last conversation on this subject. Not with an anonymous man in a mask but with you. I will tell you about my views on what happened to Russia and what to do with it.

As I said in the very first interview, I do not know how my family and relatives will feel about my views — but this will not change my position. First of all, I need to complete this period of my life for myself — even if it happens that, unfortunately, no one else will know my story. It was extremely important for me to finally make these confessions.

I was born in Russia and have lived there for 23 years. I lived both in its regional center, in a village, and in the «second capital» of Russia. I did wage labor in Russia and I worked on my own business. And because of the latter, I was able to go to the United States.

I witnessed the formation of Putin’s regime from its «official» beginning in 2000 — everything back then was unfolding right in front of my eyes. I was never guided by the principle that «it has nothing to do with me» — I never agreed to exchange my freedom for artificial security. And even after the court hearings, I continued my political activism in Russia and attended peaceful protests — just in a secret mode for the police and for Navalny’s Headquarters.

That is why I am absolutely convinced that I have the right to share my opinion about what is happening in Russia — and that my opinion is valid and valuable.

I have never — absolutely never — in my life supported Putin’s regime or Vladimir Putin himself. At first, I was even genuinely surprised at how some people supported a man like him. And personally, I could see from the very beginning how much Putin trusts no one and hides his personal life, not even acknowledging his own children publicly, how much he stays away from his own fellow citizens, how much he uses demagoguery instead of clear answers to questions, how much he rejects other people’s points of view — and how many resentments and psychological complexes this human has inside of him.

Then, when I began to study Putin’s actual biography, his childhood and growing up, establishing the first relationships with his «buddies» at the «Ozero» cooperative and the «LLCInvest» company, relationships with ex-wife, job in Germany, work in Saint Petersburg, job in Moscow, how Putin became a president in general, and after studying a detailed psychological portrait of this KGB agent, it became much more clear to me why Putin is who he is. And when I began to study the methods of the government propaganda on the psychologically vulnerable population of the former Soviet Union, it also became much more clear to me why this man was getting his support in the first place and what this support was based on.

Russia’s position in the world today is primarily the result of the domestic and foreign policies of Putin’s regime and Vladimir Putin personally. Russia had simply unbelievable potential and tremendous influence in the international arena, which was built on the bones of the millions of lives given for our freedom in the 20th century. With Russia’s natural resources, it was possible to take this country to a whole new level, providing a worthy alternative to other countries. And finally, Russia had an incredibly huge human potential — including those who were willing to work for the benefit of their fellow citizens as well as for the benefit of people from around the world. Today, we have the opportunity to observe what Russia has left from all of that. We are witnessing a terrible disaster.

Of course, believing anything Vladimir Putin says after all that he has done in his life would be incredibly naive and stupid. This man is a liar who deserves absolutely no trust, because he will say anything if it’s beneficial to him. But nevertheless, let’s assume that he is truly convinced of what he is saying. Let’s take a few of the most popular examples of how he justifies his rule.

Time after time, year after year, Vladimir Putin talks about the unacceptability of the United States world domination. Well, this criticism of the modern American government’s ambitions is justified — it’s not just me and not just one country in the world that thinks so. And not because «the United States is bad, because it is the United States» — but because no government should have unlimited power: it is fatal for the whole humanity. But who among the powerful governments will listen to these arguments of Putin now, after Putin’s regime has built up a «diplomacy» and alliances like in the example of the conflict with Ukraine and most countries?

Time after time, year after year, Vladimir Putin talks about the United States intervention in Iraq that was based on lies, mentioning the fake vial of powder that was once presented by the U.S. as a «weapon of mass destruction» in Iraq. Well, you can not deny that — it’s not just me and not just one country in the world that remembers these lies. But how does Putin’s regime respond to this intervention? By its own intervention in Ukraine, by bringing total horror, by the broken lives of millions of families, by the destruction of cities and the deaths of astronomical number of people without providing any reasonable evidence of a possible «Ukrainian invasion» of a Russian territory?

Time after time, year after year, Vladimir Putin talks about how the countries of the West and Europe threaten Russia’s independence and prosperity. Well, this statement should not be taken lightly — Western and European governments, just like any other governments on Earth, do indeed pursue their interests in the first place by various means. But how does Putin’s regime respond to this? With its destructive foreign and domestic policy, which itself puts Russia on the path of disintegration and humiliating dependence on Western, European and (especially!) Asian governments — and at such speed that no «unfriendly countries» could even dream of?

Time after time, year after year, Vladimir Putin talks about the crisis of the Western institutions, Western monopolized media, the reduction of freedom of speech and the reduction of public rights and guarantees in the West. Once again, this criticism of the situation in the West can also be called justified, and I am not the only one in the world who thinks about this too. But what alternative has Putin’s regime created for the world? The current Russia on the threshold of its guaranteed demographic catastrophe and social catastrophe?

I can give much more of such examples to all of you. Right when the international community is finally becoming disappointed with the «safety» of American globalization that was promoted for over 20 years by various U.S. politicians and businessmen — right when it started to happen, the actions of the Putin regime and Vladimir Putin personally, as much as I wouldn’t like it to, are giving American globalism a second wind right now and justifying its existence for a huge number of people. Just like the accession of more of Russia’s neighboring countries to NATO.

If this president had any appreciation for Russian culture, he would realize how much the fate of his dictatorship echoes «The Tale of the Fisherman and the Fish» written by Alexander Pushkin. If this president studied real history instead of admiring questionable philosophers, he would know what «splendid little wars» eventually lead to.

However, to focus all the attention on Putin and to declare this man an «absolute evil» just because «he is Vladimir Putin» is either a sign of an inability to analyze and draw conclusions from what has happened or a disgusting desire to deliberately misinform people.
You do not have to be a genius to simply call a dictator an evil — but it is much more important to examine his psychology in order to minimize the possibility of the next tyranny occurring in the future.

Putin was formed by the system and conditions in which he was born, with which he grew up, studied, and in which he made connections. This system, which he could not resist, eventually led him and his inner circle of subordinates first to power and then to the usurpation of that power. And Putin is not the first and not the last person who has been shaped by a similar environment. There were similar people before him — and these people, unfortunately, will continue to appear for an indefinite period of time after Putin.

Nevertheless, this human made his own choices in life — and it was him who eventually decided to merge with the repressive government machine into a single entity, leading to the destruction of both the roots of civil society in Russia and to the invasion of Ukraine and all the horrors that went along with it. The events in Ukraine showed especially clearly how disconnected Putin is from reality, how dependent he has become on his «sources of information», how dependent he has become on unrestricted power. All of that happened right after he made his personal choice to seize the desired throne with his own hands and feet. And there are no justifications for all of these choices that Vladimir Putin has made. Just like the people connected with these choices — there can be no justification for them either.

Both Putin and those connected with Putinism simply must bear full responsibility for the consequences of their choices to the whole world — according to the standards of an independent and open international court. The hope that these people will voluntarily repent of what they have done and are doing is simply the height of naivety. Their main values in life are endless enrichment and unlimited power. Their public life is based on doublethink, they are unbelievably cynical. Words, values, faith in ideals to them are just tools that they twist as they wish when it is to their personal advantage. They have invented a parallel reality and they forcibly convince anyone who disagrees to find it adequate and who doubts. The longer these people represent the Russian government, the more they want to become the new aristocrats, completely forgetting that they are just managers in the service of civil society. These people are psychologically ill.

Here are just 2 phrases said by Vladimir Putin himself. Just 2 phrases from 5 years ago — said in 2018:

  1. «Why do we need such a world if Russia is not in it?»
  2. «We will go to heaven as martyrs, and they will just drop dead.»

Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Especially — people willing to sell their souls for it. When the Soviet Union existed, current Russian politicians, businessmen close to the government, and propagandists were «true pioneers» and «communists». When the Soviet Union fell, these same people suddenly became critics of communism and «true liberals». When Putin began to concentrate more and more power in his hands, these same people suddenly became critics of liberalism and «true supporters» of their own «special Russian world» that only they «understand». They consider Europe and the West as «enemies» — but buy literal palaces and obtain permanent residence in those countries. They «advocate family values» — but have several mistresses who have «secret» children with them. They unconditionally accept the laws passed from above on mandatory mobilization and «electronic military subpoenas» — but set themselves and their family members immunity from any conscription in advance.

And guess what? When Putin’s regime finally falls, I am sure these same people will be among the first to swear at Putinism and personally Vladimir Putin using the dirtiest words, trying their best to convince us that «in reality», they have always supported the freedom of speech, democracy, and liberalism — supported anything needed, just so we can all «forgive» them once again. How many times should this disgusting scam happen before all of that finally becomes obvious? If we do not have open court trials, we are simply doomed to repeat what has happened and what is happening.

Vladimir Putin and those involved with him have already become forever inseparable from the actions they have taken. And these people, all their lives, and all their deeds will definitely go down in history, regardless of how they wanted to do it themselves. These people will never be able to hide or rewrite their deeds in the 21st century: all their secrets will sooner or later become available to the world. Our task as a society is to confront the obvious evil and to learn from what we have now as responsibly as possible, preventing a repeat of the horror that has not fully manifested itself yet. Because the Russian society, the governments of the European Union, and the governments of the West — the whole world is responsible in its proportions for the creation and establishment of Putin’s regime in Russia. And only by accepting this responsibility and joining forces, we can learn the lessons of what happened — together.

Now, talking about support for Putin’s regime and Vladimir Putin personally. I have lived both in the regional center of Russia, in one of villages, and in the «second capital» of the country — and I have communicated with an enormous amount of people with very different views from all these places, including both the most invisible people on the verge of poverty and the very famous and wealthy people whose names are constantly mentioned in social networks and in the media. The «absolute support from the population» that propaganda on either side tries to promote does not exist – do not let them fool you. And the sociological surveys in the wartime Russia reflect the real situation even less — those who try to convince you otherwise do so either as fools or as scums.

Are there people who only care about their own comfort and who are not interested in the consequences of Russia’s war with Ukraine at all? Those who follow the war like some kind of a «reality show»? Yes, these people exist. Are there those who lose their humanity day by day, justifying and approving the deaths of Ukrainians and Russians? To my grief, these people exist too. But once again — there is no «absolute support». More than that, no one even knows how many people in Russia support this war and in what proportions. People are very frightened to share their true opinion, — even over the phone — and I can understand them: I know what representatives of Putin’s regime are capable of very well. I remember myself escaping persecution by a vengeful repressive machine in 2019 and having to leave my former life in Russia — all alone. And I remember the eyes of my fellow citizens escaping the insane bloodthirsty system in 2022 with a single suitcase or a backpack.

Audiences of propaganda channels usually receive a picture of the most disgusting conformists eager to sell themselves for 30 pieces of silver, simply people with mental disorders, and the most psychologically vulnerable and misinformed average citizens. But these people do not define «the whole Russia» by any means. People’s «visible» silence does not equal their real silence. Nor does it mean their support of the horror in Russia. Nor does it mean their indifference to the horror in Ukraine. The regime in Russia cannot be replaced with «a simple desire» — and the Euromaidan example is not appropriate here, because the political situation in Russia and Ukraine was very different in 2014 already. Are you sure you know what even the peaceful protests participants risk in today’s Russia? What is going on in the territories unrecognized by international law, controlled by the henchmen of Putinism? Are you sure you know what every person in Russia, who remains «visibly» silent, experiences? Have you ever lived in a state where fundamental (literally!) rights and freedoms are taken away from a person? Where a person is forcibly sent to a literal death and treated like a powerless slave?

I have never — absolutely never — in my life sympathized with representatives of Putin’s regime. I have never been sympathetic to their views. Over time, this antipathy transformed into a complete dislike, which only multiplied after I was persecuted by Russian government services and forced to stay in the United States after a summer student trip.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was the point of no return in my perception of Putinism, its representatives, and Vladimir Putin himself. Their actions, their words, their «legacy» disgust me — and I make an effort not to turn this disgust into blind hatred: I do not want to be like these people, who are losing their humanity more and more every day.

If the Last Judgment exists, these people will not be able to escape it. No amount of money and no amount of power will help them.

I do not feel «blind love» for Russia — or any other country. The fact that I was randomly born in Russia in 1996 is not some kind of an achievement or punishment.
I just realize the incredible importance of this country — its influence, its culture, its very complicated history, and all the social experiments that have taken place on its territory. The incredible importance for humanity as a whole. And I deeply care about my peaceful fellow citizens who were forced or made the decision to stay in Russia.

I do not support the isolation of peaceful citizens of Russia for so-called «safety» for the rest of the «civilized world». I am not going to support accusations of the «collective Russian guilt» and discrimination on the basis of nationality: I haven’t polished benches for 26 years, so I understand what this idiotic nonsense may transform into in the end.

No one forced me to fight against anti-Ukrainian propaganda since 2014. No one forced me to be in opposition to the annexation of Crimea and the creation of the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Luhansk People’s Republic. No one forced me to help peaceful Ukrainian refugees in the United States after start of Russian invasion of Ukraine. I did it all for free. I did it because I have always been against the cannibalistic acceptance of Ukrainian deaths.

No one forced me to create and distribute journalistic materials to help peaceful protesters in Belarus since 2020. No one forced me to help peaceful Belarusian refugees in the United States after the repression of Lukashenko’s dictatorial regime. I did all of this for free. I did it because I have always been against the cannibalistic acceptance of bullying and torture of Belarusian political activists and prisoners.

And so, when help is needed for my compatriots from Russia, I have helped, I am helping, and I will help them as well. Even if it has become convenient to turn away from Russians, to accuse them of «collective guilt» with «slavery», and to try to isolate them from the «outside world» by foolishly or deliberately mixing ordinary Russians and Putin’s establishment. I have always been, I am, and I will always be against the cannibalistic acceptance of abuse, torture, and death of my fellow citizens.

And I am convinced that once again, the truth will be on my side.

If we allow scumbags and fools to isolate and degrade Russians on the basis of «collective guilt» and nationality, if we abandon the mobilized ones and prisoners, who return from battlefields, without any psychological help — radicals will definitely take advantage of this. And then, Hitler will be able to come to power after Putin.

I advocate a full integration of Russian peaceful citizens into the international community as soon as possible after the end of Putin’s regime: it is necessary, even if you are only interested in your own security or in security of your own country. The experience of the 20th century guarantees that.

An «average» Russian exists in an unhealthy and violent psychological environment since birth. I have experienced enough during school lessons, during police interrogations, and during fights with the Russian bureaucracy in my first 23 years in Russia, and I know what I am talking about. The government forcibly instills learned helplessness, a sense of humiliation, a denial of self-respect, and dignity for generations. Generations! The educational system, the police system, the justice system, the enormous bureaucratic machine, the army, the inhumane prison system — these structures are built on dominoes of humiliation, force, and suppression. And all this repressed humiliation, once experienced by a person, remains in subconsciousness for life. A person gets rid of this humiliation either by visiting hours-long psychotherapy sessions (which in Russia is very rare and mainly practiced only by the generations of the «Internet era»), or by working on themselves «against all odds», or by transferring the humiliation further, subconsciously trying to take it out on weaker people.

Some people, because of their unsettled and full of tragedies personal life, begin to project themselves onto the government, so that they can have at least something to be proud of — even if their image of the government consists of contradictions and lies. Many people of old age miss the «great empire» — when in reality, they miss their youth and more predictable, understandable lives. Some simply do not know the difference between Russia as a country and the «managers» of that country — politicians of the Russian government. Some get the Stockholm syndrome and begin to justify the sadism of their own oppressors. Some people are extremely lonely and feel like no one needs them except the government, which «takes care of them and brings them a pension». Some have never passed infantilism, and the government uses it very effectively while telling them «what to think and how to live».

Did I mention all the reasons and examples? Of course not. But even they explain a lot — and much better than the «statements» of adults with the teenage psychological development.

Russians are just as ordinary people as anyone else. Psychology of people born in Russia does not differ from the psychology of others. Peaceful Russians, who need help and support, should not be bullied — it is necessary to support their desire for responsibility and independence, perceive them as equals, and give positive reinforcement to their efforts.

Of course, you may object now and ask me: «Then who wrote millions of accusations during Stalin’s tyranny? Who snitches on their teachers and their students in the current Putin’s tyranny? And all the horrors going on in Ukraine? You think everything happens by itself?»

But I think about this every day myself as well. During Stalin’s tyranny in the 20th century, accusations were written by members of Soviet people. In the 21st century, accusations are written by members of Russian people. Both the desire of the government to destroy, classify, and fake archive documents, as well as the desire of the government to free all of those involved from responsibility for the crimes committed — all of that has led to the society which has not learned its lessons from the horrors of the 20th century and which is repeating them again. We simply must declassify and make all the archived documents, which the government wants to hide from public, and fundamentally change our attitude toward our own historical heritage. We simply must hold all those involved in the crimes as fully accountable for both their speeches and their actions, including the events of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. We simply must prosecute criminals and murderers according to all independent, open, international standards. No one should get away from this accountability.

At the same time, Soviet and Russian people as such are not criminals and not bad people. There can be no collective guilt on the basis of nationality here. It is very important to understand that and to not let ourselves get fooled by it. Both the representatives of the Soviet and Putin regimes and those who support them for their own reasons — all these people were not born with that. The «Soviet» and «Putin’s» dictatorships are not connected only with the 20th century Soviet Union and the 21st century Russia. It can happen in any country and to any citizens — be it American citizens or Canadian citizens. After all, even the United States and Canada are not the standards of freedom because of their enormous corrupted governments that use radical right and radical left for increasing their own power. And yes, both the United States and Canada can become countries with the «Soviet» or «Putin’s» regimes. Even such changes are a matter of conditions and time.

Or the examples of the transformations of Canada and the U.S. are not convincing enough? No problem — for the sake of interest, I will even limit myself to the 20th century and mention only the most famous dictators:

So, does it mean Germans, Italians, and Spaniards are also «criminals», are also «bad people», are also born with a «slave mentality»? What about nationality, time of birth, and skin color — do we get them by one of gods «for good deeds»? And in Korea, I guess, «slave energy» comes from under the ground in the north while «free energy» comes in the south, right?
Or maybe none of this matters, and Russians are «orcs» because Russia has different laws of physics existing on its territory with «Russian genes of slavery» flying through the air since the Mongol invasion — without entering the borders of the «freest» countries, of course? Or what?..

Exactly. That’s what I thought.

Egocentric scumbags and fools, who often don’t even lift a finger to change things in real life, will never be satisfied. They will always find someone to blame for «slavery». Russians will be «guilty» for «choosing to be born in Mordor» and for not going against the Kremlin with bare hands right after being born. Belarusians will be «guilty» for not being able to all come to Minsk at the same time to overthrow the dictator Lukashenko with wooden sticks. Even Afghans will be «guilty» of failing to stop the «Taliban». Even Americans will be «guilty» of failing to stop the 9/11 terrorism in New York.
Egocentric scumbags and fools will give the «slave» status to everyone — except themselves, of course. The «bravest», the «most moral», and the «freest». Actual help for their neighbors and fellow citizens in need is not really important for them: they truly care about appearing «good» for themselves and for their imaginary «subscribers» on social networks.

I have seen enough of this even both in Philadelphia and in New York City — and what’s interesting, exclusively among immigrants from the post-Soviet states. People who were looking for opportunities to pay for fictive cases for political asylum and who started to get pregnant in a hurry to get the U.S. citizenship had told me enough times to «Get out of America and go back to Russia». Enough times people refused to continue communicating with me and getting to know me just because I was born in Russia — literally because of that reason. So I know very well what I am talking about here.

I am not interested in whitewashing the mistakes of the population of Russia and the Soviet Union. It is important for me to understand the reasons for these mistakes and to share them with others, so that future generations do not go through what we have gone through and are going through.

Russian citizens are my fellow citizens. And I would sincerely want to ease the conditions of my fellow citizens, who are forced to leave their families, their homes, and their stable future in a hurry to escape the Russian government – in order to not to kill or be killed.

I have no moral right to urge my fellow citizens to participate in anything on a Russian territory, as I currently reside abroad myself, but I have a sincere deep respect for the people who participate in peaceful rallies, protests, and public speeches against the tyranny of Putin’s regime. I would sincerely want to ease the conditions for Alexei Navalnyi, Ilya Yashin, Yevgeniy Roizman, Sasha Skochilenko from Saint Petersburg, Masha Moskaleva in the Tula region, and for all the other peaceful political prisoners with any peaceful political views who are feared and hated by the current Russian authorities.

I am sincerely grateful to all the peaceful civil organizations that help the victims of the people who got insane from their power. And I sincerely pity the elderly, children, and adults in Russia, whose lives are guaranteed to get worse and worse, worse and worse, worse and worse — as long as Putin’s regime represents the Russian government.

I have never disassociated myself from my Russian fellow citizens and I have no intention of disassociating myself from them. I am convinced that it is Russian society that will have the greatest opportunity and the greatest responsibility to get rid of consequences of Putinism in Russia.

No one knows when the usurpation of Putin’s regime will fall — in a year, two years, ten years, decades. But in reality, this dictatorship has already lost. It has already lost at the stage of its creation — because it has lost to time itself. To a desire to live.

So when Putin’s regime stops representing the Russian government, I will certainly visit Russia — I will visit my home city Samara, my very important Saint Petersburg, Kazan, Yekaterinburg, Moscow, and other cities of my homeland. I will definitely use my experience from living in the United States and from visiting other countries to help Russian civil society. And I will definitely talk with my fellow citizens with all sorts of peaceful views at the same table and under the same roof – in peace.

Now, you know who I am – and you know this part of my life. I sincerely hope that all of that has helped you to better understand me as a person, me as a representative of Russian people, me as a Russian American — and how we got to all of that in the first place. And if my story has made you think, then it was not useless at all. And whatever happens, happens.

Україна буде вільною. Беларусь будзе вольнай. Моя Родина — Россия — будет свободной.

Why Do I Publish «What Happened To Russia» Right Now?

«What Happened To Russia — And What To Do With It» is one of the most important publications of my first 26 years of life. Its text, links, and a video were ready long before June 25, 2023 — but I promised myself that I will make this work public right after the beginning of extraordinary events in Russian domestic politics. As extraordinary as the Russian invasion of Ukraine (on February 24, 2022) was for Russian foreign politics.

When Yevgeniy Prigozhin — the founder of PMC «Wagner» — released his new video on June 23, I started waiting for a response from the Russian state with great interest. I have never sympathized with Prigozhin, I have never trusted his words — but by being uniquely close person to Putin, he said extremely uncomfortable things for Putin’s regime in that video, a huge part of which is true. Things that everyone close to the Kremlin knows and guesses, but that none of them dares to say out loud.

After that, on the evening of the same day, Yevgeniy Prigozhin started a military turmoil, and I realized that the extraordinary event I was expecting had started. Attempts to form social unrest and turmoil in Russia were only a matter of time for me, given the disastrous results of Putin regime’s war with Ukraine and the state’s attempts to put the «genie» it had released back into the bottle — but I certainly did not anticipate that the turmoil will unfold only by Prigozhin, in this format, and at this time. I followed this event from its start to finish, updating the major news feeds every 15 minutes — just like I did during the first days of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. After two days of continuously tracking events, I fell asleep for 15 hours shortly after they were over and right after finishing to write this text.

So, what do we have as a result of Yevgeniy Prigozhin’s turmoil, which went almost without losses (on the country scale) and for the most part was fueled by voice messages (!) on a messenger?

The lies and lawlessness of the Putin regime have exceeded all bounds of adequacy. It is precisely the ability to inflict violence and the power of coercion that allow dictators to maintain the legitimacy of their rule. But as soon as a dictator demonstrates weakness, more and more people begin to see that the king is, in fact, naked.

Prigozhin seriously mocked the artificial image of an «indestructible» Russian state and showed that this state’s monopoly on violence no longer exists even within Russia itself.

The owners of the remaining PMCs and criminal associations in Russia have seen what a window of opportunity exists for their own turmoils when it is profitable for them to start these turmoils under a weakened state. And how easily, how lightning-quickly the power and propaganda apparatuses can «forgive» the owners of PMCs and criminal associations all their deeds, if only these people behave confidently enough with the representatives of the regime, while peaceful civilians get real prison sentences for a simple piece of paper on the street. Literally.
I am absolutely convinced that Ramzan Kadyrov watched the events of June 23 and 24 very closely. Very closely.

The governments of other countries have seen how much Putin’s regime is wary of the small (compared to the army and the security apparatus) private military. Who among Putin’s politicians and propagandists are ready to make a choice in favor of their boss, and at what speed, under the slightly unobvious balance of power. How vulnerable this regime is to a more serious opponent on its own territory. And to what extent Vladimir Putin disappears from view even when the most dangerous events for the preservation of his rule arise, prompting him to solve his problems using the hands of other people and even the presidents of other countries.

A significant number of «ordinary people», whom the majority of the Russian opposition did not even try to talk to and drag to their side (as they have been busy with their hypocrisy, egoism, narcissism, and detachment from reality for the last 1.5 years), ended up meeting and walking «Wagner» and Prigozhin out in Rostov-on-Don like heroes, which is a serious potential threat to the stability of the dilapidated authority.

The history of the modern Russian government has already divided into «before» and «after» — just as it did on the day of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. A historical event has happened, which has not yet exhausted itself at all — and this event will have direct consequences. Those who «authoritatively» declare that everything is over because Prigozhin negotiated with Putin via Lukashenko have no idea what events will await us after this. Even if Yevgeniy Prigozhin himself, for one reason or another, ceases to exist after the agreement is made, as it happened with Wat Tyler’s Rebellion in England in 1381.

That is why I published «What Happened To Russia» — not six months ago, not a few months ago, but today. And this is the best time to share it with you.


🇷🇺 РУССКОЯЗЫЧНАЯ ВЕРСИЯ | 🇷🇺 RUSSIAN-LANGUAGE VERSION


References

  1. An image of the logo of Navalny’s Headquarters is licensed under public domain.
  2. An image of the logo of the «ZDF» mass media company is licensed under public domain.
  3. An image of Vladimir Putin at Obukhovskiy factory in 2023 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  4. An image of the rally for right to vote in Moscow in 2019 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  5. An image of the pro-Ukraine demonstration in 2022 in Sydney (Australia) is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  6. An image of the Samara city (Russia) is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0.
  7. An image of a station in the Novokuybyshevsk city (Russia) is licensed under public domain.
  8. An image of the Saint Petersburg city (Russia) is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  9. An image of Vladimir Putin and Boris Yeltsin leaving Kremlin in 1999 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  10. An image of Vladimir Putin with Oleg Tabakov and Nikolay Fomenko in 2012 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  11. An image of Vladimir Putin with his daughters and ex-wife in 2002 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  12. An image of Vladimir Putin and Boris Nemtsov in 2000 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  13. An image of Vladimir Putin fishing without a shirt is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  14. An image of Vladimir Putin with his mother in 1958 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  15. An image of Vladimir Putin with Aleksandr Grigoryev is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  16. An image of Gennadiy Timchenko and Arkadiy Rottenberg is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  17. An image of Vladimir Putin with his ex-wife during a marriage in 1983 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  18. An image of Vladimir Putin’s identification card in Germany in 1985 is licensed under public domain.
  19. An image of Vladimir Putin during his work in Leningrad (Saint Petersburg) in ’90s is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  20. An image of Vladimir Putin (during his work in Moscow) with Nikolay Kharitonov in 1999 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  21. An image of Vladimir Putin with Boris Yeltsin in the Moscow Kremlin in 1999 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  22. An image of Vladimir Putin in KGB uniform in (circa) 1980 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  23. An image of Vladimir Putin visiting the «Rossiya Segodnya» international information agency is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  24. An image of peaceful protesters in the Pereslavl-Zalessky town (Russia) in 1998 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  25. An image of Vladimir Putin’s Address to the Federal Assembly in 2023 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  26. An image of Vladimir Putin at the Security Council Meeting in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  27. An image of the United Nations Security Council meeting is licensed under public domain.
  28. An image of сitizens of Leningrad leaving their houses destroyed by German bombing in 1942 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  29. An image of ruins of the Reichstag in Berlin (Germany) in 1945 is licensed under public domain.
  30. An image of a river near the village Saranpaul (Khanty-Mansia, Russia) is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  31. An image of the Moscow rally against censorship and Crimea annexation in 2014 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  32. An image of soldiers of the Russian Federation captured during the Battle of Sumy (Ukraine) in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  33. An image of a mass grave of Russian soldiers killed during Russian invasion of Ukraine is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  34. An image of Vladimir Putin’s address to Russians on February 24 (2022) is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  35. An image of a convoy of U.S. troops in Syria in 2018 is licensed under public domain.
  36. An image of Bucha (Ukraine) main street after Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  37. An image of a protest in support of Ukraine in Times Square (New York City) in 2022 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  38. An image of a U.S. soldier in Iraq in 2004 is licensed under public domain.
  39. An image of Colin Powell with test tube containing a white substance at the UN Security Council in 2003 is licensed under public domain.
  40. An image of Vladimir Putin in Ryazan Oblast (Russia) in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  41. An image of a cemetery in Izium (Ukraine) made during Russian occupation in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  42. An image of women with children fleeing from bombs in Mariupol (Ukraine) in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  43. An image of destroyed buildings in Mariupol (Ukraine) in March 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  44. An image of a funeral of a Ukrainian soldier in March 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  45. An image of a funeral of a Russian soldier in April 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  46. An image of NATO participant countries flags in 2018 is licensed under public domain.
  47. An image of a military base during the 2014 Crimean crisis in Ukraine is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  48. An image of Russian «Rosgvardiya» members beating peaceful protesters in Moscow in 2019 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  49. An image of Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping in 2023 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  50. An image of protesters during the 2021 storming of the United States Capitol is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  51. An image of U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry on the «CNN» channel is licensed under public domain.
  52. An image of police forces during a «Black Lives Matter» protest in Washington, DC, is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  53. An image of the 2022 State of the Union address in the U.S. Congress is licensed under public domain.
  54. An image of a cemetery of members of the PMC «Wagner» in Tyumen (Russia) in 2023 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  55. An image of people with a symbol of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 in Crimea (Russia) is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  56. An image of U.S. Army members during a training in Germany in 2012 is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  57. An image of the NATO Summit representatives in Madrid in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  58. An image of U.S. President Joe Biden signing the Instruments of Ratification to approve Finland and Sweden’s membership in NATO in 2022 is licensed under public domain.
  59. An image of an illustration for «The Tale of the Fisherman and the Fish» written by Alexander Pushkin is licensed under public domain.
  60. An image of Ivan Alexandrovich Ilyin (Russian philosopher) is licensed under public domain.
  61. An image of a person holding a protest sign with text «Putin War Criminal» is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  62. An image of Vladimir Putin and Gennadiy Yegorov in Saint Petersburg (Russia) in 1995 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  63. An image of Vladimir Putin at the «United Russia» Congress in 2011 is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  64. An image of Russian «Rosgvardiya» members beating peaceful protesters in Moscow in 2019 (a close-up photo) is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  65. An image of Kyiv (Ukraine) after Russian shelling in October 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  66. An image of Vladimir Putin’s New Year Address to the Nation on December 31, 2022, is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  67. An image of the Security Council of Russia meeting in 2023 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  68. An image of the Security Council of Russia meeting, devoted to the recognition of Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhansk People’s Republic, on February 21, 2022, is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  69. An image of the International Military Tribunal trial of war criminals in Nuremberg (Germany) in 1945 is licensed under public domain.
  70. An image of an exterior of «Putin’s Palace» in Krasnodar Krai (Russia) in 2010 is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  71. An image of Vladimir Putin with Donald Trump in Helsinki in 2018 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  72. An image of Vladimir Putin in a church in Tsarskoye Selo (Russia) in 2014 is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  73. An image of a pro-war picket in Kazan (Russia) in 2022 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  74. An image of police officers detaining peaceful citizens in Moscow in 2019 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  75. An image of Vladimir Putin’s address to the Federal Assembly in Moscow (Russia) in 2013 is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  76. An image of Vladimir Putin’s address to the people of Russia on February 24, 2022, is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  77. An image of Vladimir Putin in 2018 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  78. An image of Vladimir Putin in 2018 (a different event) is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  79. An image of a meeting of Vladimir Putin and Alexander Lukashenko in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  80. An image of Boris Yeltsin (the first president of the Russian Federation) in 1985 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  81. An image of Vladimir Putin and Boris Yeltsin in 2000 is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  82. An image of Vladimir Putin in Sevastopol (Crimea) in 2018 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  83. An image of a rally in support of Novorossiya in Moscow (Russia) in 2014 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  84. An image of pro-Putin propaganda posters in Saint Petersburg (Russia) in 2017 is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0
  85. An image of London (Great Britain) in 2015 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  86. An image of Vladimir Putin in a church in Tver Olbast (Russia) in 2016 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  87. An image of the Russian State Duma in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  88. An image of Vladimir Putin and Vyacheslav Volodin in 2020 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  89. An image of Sergey Shoigu and Sergey Sobyanin reviewing mobilization conditions in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  90. An image of Joseph Stalin and Nikita Khrushchev in 1936 is licensed under public domain.
  91. An image of the International Military Tribunal trial of war criminals in Nuremberg (Germany) in 1946 is licensed under public domain.
  92. An image of Vladimir Putin’s Address to the Federal Assembly in Moscow (Russia) in 2019 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  93. An image of a Russian civilian hugging with a soldier of the PMC «Wagner» in Rostov-on-Don (Russia) in June 2023 is licensed under CC0 1.0
  94. An image of a member of a pro-Putin rally in 2012 is licensed under public domain.
  95. An image of Vladimir Putin’s rally at the Moscow Kremlin (Russia) in 2018 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  96. An image of the «Stop Fueling War» demonstration in Helsinki in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  97. An image of a Russian soldier with a gun forcing local residents of an occupied Ukrainian region to participate in a «referendum» in September 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  98. An image of Vladimir Putin with Russian flight attendants in March 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  99. An image of young Russians laughing next to a tank of PMC «Wagner» in Rostov-on-Don (Russia) in June 2023 is licensed under CC0 1.0
  100. An image of a car with the «Z» pro-war symbol and the text «Работайте, братья!» («Work, brothers!») in Tyumen (Russia) in 2022 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  101. An image of a governmental propagandist Vladimir Solovyov and Vladimir Putin in 2013 is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  102. An image of Vladimir Putin visiting the «Rossiya Segodnya» International Information Agency in 2016 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  103. An image of a person with «anti-Maidan» posters in Kazan (Russia) in 2021 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  104. An image of Vladimir Putin shaking hands with factory workers in 2012 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  105. An image of peaceful protesters in Krasnodar (Russia) in 2021 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  106. An image of anti-war Russian protesters abroad in 2022 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  107. An image of Euromaidan protesters in Kyiv (Ukraine) in 2013 is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  108. An image of OMON officers detaining a peaceful protester in Moscow (Russia) in 2012 is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0
  109. An image of Aleksey Gorinov displaying his poster during the court trial with the text «Вам ещё нужна эта война?» (English: «Do you still want this war?») in 2022 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  110. An image of «anonymous» masked armed forces controlling Sloviansk (Ukraine) in 2014 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  111. An image of an anonymous poster with the text «NO TO WAR NO TO WAR NO TO WAR» (Russian: «НЕТ ВОЙНЕ НЕТ ВОЙНЕ НЕТ ВОЙНЕ») in Kazan (Russia) in 2022 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  112. An image of police officers detaining a peaceful protester in Moscow (Russia) in 2019 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  113. An image of mobilized men from Crimea in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  114. An image of Vladimir Putin in 1960 is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  115. An image of Vladimir Putin in 2023 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  116. An image of «The Last Judgement» painting by Viktor Vasnetsov made in 1904 is licensed under public domain.
  117. An image of the territory of Russia on a map is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  118. An image of the main entrance of the Winter Palace in Saint Petersburg (Russia) is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  119. An image of starving children in Russia in 1921 is licensed under public domain.
  120. An image of Lenin and Stalin outside Moscow in 1922 is licensed under public domain.
  121. An image of tourists from different countries in a Saint Petersburg (Russia) church in 2018 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  122. An image of detained peaceful protesters in a police van in Moscow (Russia) in 2019 is licensed under CC0 1.0
  123. An image of a woman holding a poster with the text «increase pressure on russia now!!!» is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  124. An image of a woman holding a poster with the text «russia terrorist» is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  125. An image of Adolf Hitler with his colleagues in Berlin (Germany) in 1932 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0 DE
  126. An image of peaceful Belarusian protesters in Minsk (Belarus) in 2020 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  127. An image of special police unit officers beating a peaceful protester in Moscow in 2019 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  128. An image of a woman holding a poster with the text «Russia, welcome to Hell» is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0
  129. An image of a poster with the text «TERRORUSSIA» in San Francisco (USA) in 2022 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  130. An image of one of the first mobilized men from Crimea in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  131. An image of Hitler and Hindenburg in 1933 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0 DE
  132. An image of Mussolini and Hitler in Munich (Germany) in 1940 is licensed under public domain.
  133. An image of environment in the Promyshlennyi district in Samara (Russia) in 2011 is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  134. An image of two gopniks at a bus stop in Russia in 2009 is licensed under public domain.
  135. An image of special police unit officers beating peaceful protesters in Moscow in 2019 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  136. An image of workers in Moscow (Russia) in 2016 is licensed under CC0 1.0
  137. An image of Stalin and Lenin actors (along with a cardboard of Putin) posing with tourists in Moscow (Russia) in 2011 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  138. An image of an embankment with people in Nizhniy Novgorod (Russia) in 2019 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  139. An image of the Federal Assembly members of the Russian Federation in Moscow (Russia) in 2023 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  140. An image of people holding portraits of Stalin in Russia in 2010 is licensed under public domain.
  141. An image of a person without legs in Tyumen (Russia) in 2022 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  142. An image of a multifunctional state center in Tula (Russia) in 2020 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  143. An image of Vladimir Putin on a giant screen on the street in 2001 is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  144. An image of a person holding a poster with the text «UA to NATO, RU to Hell» is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  145. An image of cannibals during the Russian Famine of 1921 is licensed under public domain.
  146. An image of graduates of the Moscow State University in 2015 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  147. An image of political prisoners in a forced labor camp of the GULAG in Komi (USSR) in 1955 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  148. An image of police officers detaining peaceful protesters in Moscow (Russia) in 2019 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  149. An image of an exhumation of bodies in Bucha (Ukraine) in April, 2022, is licensed under public domain.
  150. An image of the Red Square in Moscow (USSR) on May 1, 1935, is licensed under public domain.
  151. An image of the Red Square in Moscow (Russia) on May 9, 2022, is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  152. An image of an example of the Soviet Union censorship during Stalin’s era is licensed under public domain.
  153. An image of starved peasants on a street in Kharkiv (USSR) in 1933 is licensed under public domain.
  154. An image of people bringing flowers to the site of Boris Nemtsov’s murder in Moscow in front of the Kremlin in 2015 is licensed under CC0 1.0
  155. An image of a woman holding a poster against Russian state political repressions in 2014 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  156. An image of Yezhov, Stalin, and Molotov (original photo) in 1937 is licensed under public domain.
  157. An image of Stalin, and Molotov (with Yezhov artificially removed from the photo) in 1937 is licensed under public domain.
  158. An image of Theodor von Hornbostel testifying for the prosecution during the Ministries Trial in Nuremberg (Germany) in 1948 is licensed under public domain.
  159. An image of defendants in the dock at the Nuremberg Trials in Germany in 1945/1946 is licensed under public domain.
  160. An image of a person removing the “Adolf Hitler Str.” sign in Germany in 1945 is licensed under public domain.
  161. An image of the «Diese Schandtaten: Eure Schuld!» (English: «These atrocities: Your fault!») propaganda poster used in occupied Germany right after World War II is licensed under public domain.
  162. An image of U.S. Marshals detaining one of the protesters during an anti-war (against the invasion to Vietnam) demonstration in Washington D.C. (USA) in 1967 is licensed under public domain.
  163. An image of an American soldier (Spc. Graner) prepares to hit a handcuffed prisoner at the Abu Ghraib prison in 2003 is licensed under public domain.
  164. An image of a «QAnon» supporter during a protest in Washington D.C. (USA) in 2020 is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0
  165. An image of anti-police protesters recording a burning police car in Seattle (USA) in 2020 is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  166. An image of a Prime Minister of Canada (Justin Trudeau) announcing the national freeze on the sale, purchase, and transfer of handguns in 2022 is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  167. An image of a President of the USA (Joe Biden) delivering his State of the Union address in 2023 is licensed under public domain.
  168. An image of Benito Mussolini is licensed under public domain.
  169. An image of Kim Il Sung is licensed under public domain.
  170. An image of Augusto Pinochet is licensed under CC BY 2.0 CL
  171. An image of Than Shwe is licensed under CC BY 2.0
  172. An image of Francisco Franco is licensed under CC0 1.0
  173. An image of Haji Mohammed Suharto is licensed under public domain.
  174. An image of Saddam Hussein is licensed under public domain.
  175. An image of Enver Hoxha is licensed under CC0 1.0
  176. An image of Mengistu Haile Mariam is licensed under public domain.
  177. An image of Josip Broz Tito is licensed under public domain.
  178. An image of Omar al-Bashir is licensed under public domain.
  179. An image of Robert Mugabe is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  180. An image of Nicolae Ceausescu is licensed under an attribution license.
  181. An image of officers from North Korea at a border with South Korea in 2005 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  182. An image of officers from South Korea at a border with North Korea in 2008 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  183. An image of a miniature of Batu Khan taking Suzdal (Rus’ Region) in 1238 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  184. An image of OMON officers going after peaceful protesters in Moscow (Russia) in 2019 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  185. An image of armed troopers of Lukashenko in Minsk (Belarus) in 2020 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  186. An image of an armed transport with fighters in Taliban-controlled Kabul (Afghanistan) in 2021 is licensed under public domain.
  187. An image of the 9/11 terrorist attack outcomes in New York City (USA) on September 13, 2001, is licensed under public domain.
  188. An image of the Brighton Beach area in New York City (USA) is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0
  189. An image of portraits of Lenin and Stalin behind a shop window in Odessa (USSR) in 1931 is licensed under public domain.
  190. An image of portraits of Vladimir Putin in a store in Moscow (Russia) in 2006 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  191. An image of a woman holding a poster with the text «I’m Russian, I’m against war» in 2022 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  192. An image of killed Ukrainian soldiers in April, 2022, is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  193. An image of killed Russian soldiers in October, 2022, is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  194. An image of peaceful protesters in Moscow (Russia) on February 24, 2022, against the Russian invasion of Ukraine is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  195. An image of Russian diaspora members abroad protesting in March, 2022, against the war in Ukraine is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  196. An image of the «Russians Against War (RAW)» concert in Berlin (Germany) in 2022 is licensed under Free Art License 1.3
  197. An image of Alexey Navalny in a court in Moscow (Russia) in 2021 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  198. An image of Ilya Yashin in a police wagon in Moscow (Russia) in 2021 is licensed under CC BY 4.0
  199. An image of Yevgeny Roizman in 2017 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  200. An image of detained peaceful protesters in a police wagon in Moscow (Russia) in 2019 is licensed under CC0 1.0
  201. An image of a homeless man sitting near an empty TV cardboard container in Tyumen (Russia) in 2009 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  202. An image of homeless people sleeping in front of the «LUKOIL» headquarters building in 2010 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  203. An image of an old woman searching for valuable things in a dumpster in Tomsk (Russia) in 2014 is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  204. An image of a Russian flag with the text «Russia will be free» in 2021 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  205. An image of Vladimir Putin and Boris Yeltsin on December 31, 1999, is licensed under CC BY 3.0
  206. An image of of Boris Nemtsov with protesters holding Russian and Ukrainian flags in March, 2014, is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  207. An image of the Samara city (Russia) is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  208. An image of the Saint Petersburg city (Russia) is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0
  209. An image of the Kazan city (Russia) is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
  210. An image of the Yekaterinburg city (Russia) is licensed under Free Art License 1.3
  211. An image of the Moscow city (Russia) is licensed under public domain.